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Venezuela, the Latin American Beacon of Democracy, Has Been Left to “Burn Out and Nobody Cares.”

Laura Klein | Latin America Fellow

Image sourced from Wikimedia Commons.


Australia is a privileged nation. We have the unmitigated ability to vote, to speak freely on topics that interest us and engage others in these important conversations. After speaking with the Venezuelan diaspora here in Australia, it is clear these same freedoms that were once held by Venezuelans no longer exist. On behalf of those who have lost their voice, we, as members of a community that hold these rights dear, need to be outspoken in condemning violations of Venezuelan human rights and democratic freedoms.


On the 28th of July, Nicolás Maduro, the man at the helm of Venezuela’s crumbling democracy, was declared the winner of his third Presidential election. The vote was deemed by independent election observers from the Carter Centre to “not meet international standards of electoral integrity and [to not be] considered democratic”. 


The expectations of a truly free and fair election were conceded to be poor by many, including opposition leader and President elect Edmundo González Urrutia who fled to Spain on Saturday 8 September. However, it is the extent of election day fraud and Maduro’s complete disregard for the rights and freedoms of his dissenters that has garnered domestic outrage and thrust the nation into the international spotlight. The receipts obtained by the opposition, from the majority of the nation's polling stations, show that González won 67 per cent of the vote to Maduro´s 30 per cent. 


After speaking to the Venezuelan diaspora here in Australia, the opening thoughts they expressed were “frustration,” “anxiety,” “pessimism” and “abandonment”. This abandonment is directed towards the international community, who has not been straightforward in condemning the post-election political repression and human rights violations witnessed in Venezuela. Since the election, protest has taken to the streets, inciting fierce repression from authorities. As of 11 September, human rights NGO Foro Penal had identified and verified 1793 arrests - though Maduro has brandished the number 2,000 to represent his opponents detained and accused of ‘terrorism’. As one individual expressed to me, “the cruelty doesn't make sense… and it's painful when it's your family that is suffering for this. It’s your country, it’s your people, it's your friends.”


As the days pass and the facts of the election’s figures emerge from behind a veil of Maduro’s design, the truth of election fraud and the ensuing repressive actions of his government cannot be denied. For the Venezuelan diaspora here in Australia, “our only weapon is the truth, a peaceful and democratic claim for a change in Venezuela.”


Given their democratic history, Venezuelans are extremely disappointed by the apathetic response of the international community to the current crisis. Throughout the second half of the 20th century, Venezuela was one of the only truly democratic nations in a region fraught with military dictatorship. Social welfare programs fuelled literally and figuratively by petroleum engendered hope and positive expectations for the future of Venezuelans. The country even acted as the main destination accepting persecuted exiles who escaped from these authoritarian neighbours. However, the tables have now turned. 


This crisis brought about by Maduro can only be understood as a great failure in his attempt to emulate his predecessor, the legendary Hugo Chavez. In 1998 and for the following two successive elections, Hugo Chavez was elected President of Venezuela. Despite his populist and authoritarian tendencies, Chavez always stood the electoral test, with 2012 polling deemed to be “the best in the world”. In contrast, Maduro has ignored this legacy of electoral legitimacy that was paramount to Chavez’s image.  


In the aftermath of this democratic collapse, Venezuelans feel forgotten, left behind and ignored, by both their own institutions and international actors. As an interviewee expressed with great hurt, “[It is] painful how they have turned their backs on the advocates of democracy.”   


The fraudulent election should be understood not as a battle between a left and right political agenda, but a social struggle between the majority pushing for the return of their democratic rights against an authoritarian elite. This feeling should resonate well beyond the borders of Venezuela with any international member of a democratic state. 


The above however has not induced a condemnation from neighbouring Brazil, Colombia or Mexico who have all instead opted for a neutral response that does not recognise either candidate as the election’s victor. This divided response from Latin America may have influenced Australia’s own reticence to be firmer in their response. Our government is yet to recognise the election as fraudulent or denounce the post-election human rights violations. However, this response is contrary to many of our core allies and Australia’s own responsibilities a democratic middle power. 


The only words spoken on the crisis in Venezuela in our federal parliament were heard in August. Senator James McGrath of QLD (LNP) spoke on the floor of the Australian Senate on the situation in Venezuela calling out “massive electoral fraud” in his statement. However, the Australian government's official response remains limited to the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade’s statement calling for a governmental release of the election results. In the words of a politically active member of the Venezuelan community, they have made the “cold calculation, that there are not enough Venezuelans in Australia and can get away without being too vocal on it [the current crisis]”. This is an unfortunate oversight on behalf of the Australian government who has the ability to stand not only in support of Venezuelans in Australia who are valued members of our communities, but also the basic human rights and democratic freedoms that it holds dear.


In recent years, the Maduro government has successfully insulated itself from international pressure, mostly in the form of economic sanctions. However, the extent of current human rights violations exceeds these previous chapters. Consequently, the Venezuelans that I spoke to were keen to emphasise the importance of international pressure in advancing a democratic human rights agenda, as “we [everyday Venezuelans] cannot dialogue with them. Dialogue only happens in democracy and we don't have democracy … They [the Venezuelan government] speak only with arms, with guns, with repression, with persecution, with censorship.” 


According to interviewees, others often see Venezuela as “Tierra Maldita” - in English cursed land. This is an international misconception of a nation where “the bad in reality doesn't come from the land but those who run it”. Those who run it [Venezuela] have placed themselves in the lead of an unevenly resourced battle against a populace seeking the return of their democratic human rights and freedoms. There is a place for us, who have the privilege of enjoying these rights and freedoms, to show that we care. Before Venezuela’s democratic beacon burns out, we must use our voices on behalf of those who cannot in condemnation of this uneven struggle.



Laura Klein is the Latin America Fellow for Young Australians in International Affairs. She recently completed her Bachelor of International Relations at the Australian National University majoring and minoring in Spanish and Latin American Studies, and has since been accepted to a Masters program at the London School of Economics where she looks forward to further engaging in research. She has a deep affection and respect for the Latin American region and in her writing, strives to destigmatise and promote the opportunities that abound in Latin America, especially to an Australian audience.


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